quarta-feira, outubro 29, 2008
domingo, outubro 26, 2008
BREL
Durante mais de uma hora a TV5 recordou ontem Jacques Brel, morto há trinta anos. Um programa de fantasmas da minha juventude, incluindo uma comovente aparição do realizador Édouard Molinaro, responsável por uma das melhores comédias do cinema francês do pós guerra L'Emmerdeur, um dos textos de Francis Veber que o cinema americano tão mal tratou (até Billy Wilder, cujo Buddy, Buddy, remake deste L'emmerdeur, estava a milhas do original, como Jack Lemon e Walter Mathau - chega a parecer impossível - a milhas do Brel e do Lino Ventura). Salvatore Adamo - Vous permettez Monsieur? - foi lá cantar, e bem, Ne me qutte pas, um dos clássicos de Brel que se encontram com facilidade no youtube na versão do autor. Pol Vandromme, um crítico e escritor belga que tem na sua bibliografia importantes trabalhos muito nossos conhecidos sobre a direita maldita francesa e belga, publicou em 1977, um ano antes da morte do cantor e compositor, um estudo indispensável intitulado Jacques Brel, l'exil du far-west, que está talvez na hora de editar em português.
sábado, outubro 25, 2008
QUE FITA VAI HOJE? - SEMPRE AO DOMINGO
Não vi a versão de A kiss before dying (Um beijo para a morte, 1991) que passa esta madrugada no Hollywood. É dirigida por James Dearden, com Matt Dillon e Sean Young. Vi, há muito, muito tempo, a primeira, com Robert Wagner, uma produção de 1956. É, de facto, a segunda vez que o cinema adapta o romance do mesmo nome de Ira Levin, um escritor de thrillers que hoje deve dizer pouco a quase toda a gente mas escreveu com notável talento e perfeição vários best-sellers, entre os quais o livro que deu origem a um dos melhores filmes de Roman Polanski, Rosemary's baby. Ira Levin é também o autor de The Stepford Wives, também duas vezes adaptado ao cinema (a segunda das quais em 2004, com Nicole Kidman, Glenn Close et al.), The Boys from Brasil (também levado ao cinema, Franklin J. Schaffner dirigiu em 1978) e da divertidíssima peça policial Deathtrap que foi levada ao cinema excelentemente por Jay Presson Allen (argumento) e Sidney Lumet, com Michael Caine e Cristopher Reeve (Armadilha mortal, 1982). Ira Levin, por sinal, morreu em 2007. A sessão dupla da RTP2 deste sábado seguiu o modelo do sábado passado, dois filmes europeus:a acabar, um Fellini, o primeiro da segunda vida cinematográfica do realizador, Giulietta degli spiriti (1965) e o seu primeiro filme a cores; a começar, um filme francês de pornografia soft e algumas pretensões, neste caso O amante de Lady Chatterley. Como ando a pensar noutras coisas, deixei passar a oportunidade de recomendar outra vez Há lodo no cais (On the Waterfront, 1954), um dos melhores filmes de Elia Kazan e do cinema americano dos anos 50, digam o que disserem todos os que não perdoaram e fizeram pagar bem caro ao realizador ter rompido a omertá comunista. Passou no Hollywood, quarta à noite e quinta à tarde. Já na madrugada de segunda-feira, à 1.30, a RTP1 vai exibir Un long dimanche de fiançailles (Um longo domingo de noivado, 2004), uma espécie de comédia fantasiosa com Audrey Tautou, dirigida por Jean-Pierre Jeunet, na veia de Le fabuleux destin d'Amélie Poulain (2001), passada no tempo da Grande Guerra, um dos períodos da história recente que tem estado na moda nos últimos anos.
quinta-feira, outubro 23, 2008
LUZES DA AMÉRICA 1929 - 3. TORNADO NO KANSAS
"Tornado over Kansas"é uma obra de J.Stuart Curry (1897-1946). Naturalismo bem realista, nesta ano do grande Crash. Depois dos yuppies e dos novíssimos produtos financeiros, estas imagens de ruralismo social integram-se mais na paisagem que vem aí.
Desta vez a crise acertou em cheio na cabeça de John Mc Cain que entretanto continua, corajosamente, a sua guerra.
Desta vez a crise acertou em cheio na cabeça de John Mc Cain que entretanto continua, corajosamente, a sua guerra.
terça-feira, outubro 21, 2008
UM POEMA DE D.H.LAWRENCE
Dreams
All people dream, but not equally.
Those who dream by night in the dusty recesses of their mind,
Wake in the morning to find that it was vanity.
But the dreamers of the day are dangerous people,
For they dream their dreams with open eyes,
And make them come true.
David Herbert Lawrence
All people dream, but not equally.
Those who dream by night in the dusty recesses of their mind,
Wake in the morning to find that it was vanity.
But the dreamers of the day are dangerous people,
For they dream their dreams with open eyes,
And make them come true.
David Herbert Lawrence
domingo, outubro 19, 2008
QUE FITA VAI HOJE? - DOMINGO À NOITE
Hoje, às 21.55, o TCM exibe, com o título muito português de O destino bate à porta, uma versão que já fez sessenta anos de "O carteiro toca sempre duas vezes" (The postman always rings twice, 1946, Tay Garnett). A primeira grande versão (que realmente foi a segunda, pois houve uma versão francesa ainda mais antiga, mas não conta muito) deste clássico "negro" de James M. Cain foi "neo-realista": Ossessione (Obsessão, 1942) a primeira longa-metragem dramática de Luchino Visconti. Tem Lana Turner e John Garfield, nos papéis que mais recentemente foram desempenhados por Jessica Lange e Jack Nicholson (1981). O TCM também passou mais uma vez um filme negro de uma outra época, o Get Carter, de Mike Hodges. Ainda esta noite, lá para a meia-noite (23.50) o Hollywood exibe Hannibal, de Ridley Scott (2001). É, salvo erro, o quarto filme baseado na série de romances que Thomas Harris escreveu sobre o infame Hannibal Lecter - o melhor continua a ser O silêncio dos inocentes (The silence of the lambs, 1991), com as interpretações históricas de Jodie Foster e Anthony Hopkins, que pareciam ter nascido para aqueles papéis - e no caso de Hopkins marcou, talvez, o ponto mais alto de uma distinta mas cada vez mais decepcionante carreira. De resto, não sei se já aqui o disse, mas se disse, repito: os romances de Thomas Harris são notavelmente bem escritos.
LUZES DA AMÉRICA 1929 - 2. EDWARD HOPPER
Esta paisagem de Hopper é de 1929. Hooper sempre me inquietou e fascinou, como um pintor da América secreta, simbólica, um pintor metafísico na solidão das suas paisagens urbanas e do campo (estas cores podiam ser do De Chirico). Mas também de um realismo quase mágico, como nos faróis da costa do Maine.
sábado, outubro 18, 2008
LUZES DA AMERICA 1929 - 1.NORMAN ROCKWELL
"O Espírito da América" é o título desta pintura de Norman Rockwell, em 1929. Serviu para um selo e para ilustrar a capa do "Book of Boys" em várias edições, até 1940. Rockwell era assim - um pintor realista que romantizou e idealizou os temas da América e da História americana. Este optimismo, o dos "westerns" clássicos e de Ronald Reagan, vai ser difícil de reencontrar nos próximos tempos.
sexta-feira, outubro 17, 2008
UMA ANALISE CONTRA - CORRENTE - KARL ROVE NO WSJ
A 17 dias da eleição, as sondagens indicam uma grande vantagem de Barack Obama sobre John McCain. A esmagadora maioria da comunicação social, nos EUA e fora, rejubila com o facto e perdeu qualquer preocupação de fingir imparcialidade, não resistindo a dar a questão já por encerrada, o seu candidato como o vencedor.E o esquerdismo todo, do moderado ao patético, entrou em órbita de alegria, ainda mais com a crise económica, que deu a eleição ao candidato democrata, e que os torna tão contentinhos com o "fim do Capitalismo"
Devo aliás dizer que, se admiro o passado heróico de McCain e não me impressiona a excelente retórica de Obama, que além de ter ganho a nomeação democrática, nada mais de relevante fez até hoje, tenho grandes apreensões, em política internacional, ao ver a influência de alguns neo-conservadores junto do candidato republicano.
Mas pior que Obama vai ser aturar os "obamistas", sobretudo os domésticos, pelo menos até o candidato, se fôr eleito, fazer uma política que pouco terá que ver com os projectos utópicos e paranóicos que animam os seus partidários radicais, fanáticos ou burros. Os de cá, pelo menos.
De qualquer modo leia-se a excelente análise de Karl Rove:
In the campaign's final two weeks, voters will take a last serious look at both presidential candidates. The outcome of the race isn't cast in stone yet.
Barack Obama holds a 7.3% lead in the Real Clear Politics average of all polls, but the latest Gallup tracking poll reveals that there are nearly twice as many undecided voters this year than there were in the last presidential election. The Investor's Business Daily/TIPP poll (which was closest to the mark in predicting the 2004 outcome -- 0.4% off the actual result) now says this is a three-point race.
AP
This week also brought a reminder that Sen. Obama hasn't closed the sale. The Washington Post/ABC poll found 45% of voters still don't think he's qualified to be president, about the same number who doubted his qualifications in March.
This is seven points more than George W. Bush's highest reading in 2000 and the worst since Michael Dukakis's 56% unqualified rating in 1988. It explains why Mr. Obama has ignored Democratic giddiness and done two things to keep victory from slipping away.
First, he is using his money to try to keep John McCain from gaining traction. The Obama campaign raised $67 million in September and may be on track to raise $100 million in October. Sen. McCain opted last month for roughly $85 million in public financing, giving him less than half of Mr. Obama's funds for the campaign's final two months. Even with robust Republican National Committee fund raising to augment his spending, Mr. McCain is at a severe financial disadvantage.
So Mr. Obama is spending $35 million on TV this week versus the McCain/RNC total of $17 million. Mr. Obama is outspending Mr. McCain on TV in Virginia by a ratio of 4 to 1, in Florida by 3 to 1, and in Missouri and Nevada by better than 2 to 1. The disparity is likely to grow in the campaign's final weeks.
Money alone, however, won't decide the contest. John Kerry and the Democrats outspent Mr. Bush and the GOP in 2004 by $121 million and still lost.
Mr. Obama's other strategy is to do all he can to look presidential, including buying very expensive half-hour slots to address the country next week. He wants to give a serious, Oval-Office type address. This is smart. People appreciate Mr. Obama's empathy on the economy, but as they take a long look at what he wants to do about it, they will be less impressed, especially if Mr. McCain draws sharp contrasts with clear policy proposals.
Mr. Obama is trying to make the case that his lack of experience or record should not disqualify him. But in doing so, he seems to recognize that the U.S. is still a center-right country. His TV ads promise tax cuts and his radio ads savage Mr. McCain's health-care plan as a tax increase. It's a startling campaign conversion for the most liberal member of the Senate. We'll know on Election Day if he is able to get away with it.
Similarly, Mr. McCain appears to be making three important course corrections. First, he and Gov. Sarah Palin are sharpening their stump speeches so their sound bites come off well on TV. Gone are offhand remarks and awkward comments read from notes perched on a podium. In are teleprompters and carefully crafted arguments. Mr. McCain is also more at ease than before and has an ebullient, come-from-behind underdog optimism that will serve him well in the final weeks.
Second, Mr. McCain is shaping a story line that draws on well-founded concerns about Mr. Obama's lack of record or experience. Mr. McCain is also bowing to reality and devoting most of his time to the economy. His narrative is he's the conservative reformer who'll lead and work hard to get things done, while Mr. Obama is the tax-and-spend liberal who's unprepared to lead and unwilling to act.
Mr. McCain is hitting Mr. Obama for wanting to raise taxes in difficult economic times, especially on small business and for the purpose of redistributing income, and for having lavish spending plans at a time when the economy is faltering. He's criticizing Mr. Obama for lingering on the sidelines while Mr. McCain dove in to help pass a rescue plan, necessary no matter how distasteful. And he's attacking Mr. Obama for not joining the fight in 2005 when reformers like Mr. McCain tried to rein in Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac.
Mr. McCain's other adjustment is his schedule. His campaign understands the dire circumstances it faces and is narrowing his travels almost exclusively to Florida, North Carolina, Virginia, Ohio, Missouri, Colorado and Nevada. If he carries those states, while losing only Iowa and New Mexico from the GOP's 2004 total, Mr. McCain will carry 274 Electoral College votes and the White House. It's threading the needle, but it's come to that.
This task, while not impossible, will be difficult. By mid-September, the McCain camp was slightly ahead in the polls. Then came the financial crisis. The past month has taken an enormous toll on the McCain campaign.
Whether it can find the right formula in the next 19 days to dig out is a question. If Mr. McCain succeeds, he will have engineered the most impressive and improbable political comeback since Harry Truman in 1948. But having to reach back more than a half-century for inspiration is not the place campaign managers want to be now.
Devo aliás dizer que, se admiro o passado heróico de McCain e não me impressiona a excelente retórica de Obama, que além de ter ganho a nomeação democrática, nada mais de relevante fez até hoje, tenho grandes apreensões, em política internacional, ao ver a influência de alguns neo-conservadores junto do candidato republicano.
Mas pior que Obama vai ser aturar os "obamistas", sobretudo os domésticos, pelo menos até o candidato, se fôr eleito, fazer uma política que pouco terá que ver com os projectos utópicos e paranóicos que animam os seus partidários radicais, fanáticos ou burros. Os de cá, pelo menos.
De qualquer modo leia-se a excelente análise de Karl Rove:
In the campaign's final two weeks, voters will take a last serious look at both presidential candidates. The outcome of the race isn't cast in stone yet.
Barack Obama holds a 7.3% lead in the Real Clear Politics average of all polls, but the latest Gallup tracking poll reveals that there are nearly twice as many undecided voters this year than there were in the last presidential election. The Investor's Business Daily/TIPP poll (which was closest to the mark in predicting the 2004 outcome -- 0.4% off the actual result) now says this is a three-point race.
AP
This week also brought a reminder that Sen. Obama hasn't closed the sale. The Washington Post/ABC poll found 45% of voters still don't think he's qualified to be president, about the same number who doubted his qualifications in March.
This is seven points more than George W. Bush's highest reading in 2000 and the worst since Michael Dukakis's 56% unqualified rating in 1988. It explains why Mr. Obama has ignored Democratic giddiness and done two things to keep victory from slipping away.
First, he is using his money to try to keep John McCain from gaining traction. The Obama campaign raised $67 million in September and may be on track to raise $100 million in October. Sen. McCain opted last month for roughly $85 million in public financing, giving him less than half of Mr. Obama's funds for the campaign's final two months. Even with robust Republican National Committee fund raising to augment his spending, Mr. McCain is at a severe financial disadvantage.
So Mr. Obama is spending $35 million on TV this week versus the McCain/RNC total of $17 million. Mr. Obama is outspending Mr. McCain on TV in Virginia by a ratio of 4 to 1, in Florida by 3 to 1, and in Missouri and Nevada by better than 2 to 1. The disparity is likely to grow in the campaign's final weeks.
Money alone, however, won't decide the contest. John Kerry and the Democrats outspent Mr. Bush and the GOP in 2004 by $121 million and still lost.
Mr. Obama's other strategy is to do all he can to look presidential, including buying very expensive half-hour slots to address the country next week. He wants to give a serious, Oval-Office type address. This is smart. People appreciate Mr. Obama's empathy on the economy, but as they take a long look at what he wants to do about it, they will be less impressed, especially if Mr. McCain draws sharp contrasts with clear policy proposals.
Mr. Obama is trying to make the case that his lack of experience or record should not disqualify him. But in doing so, he seems to recognize that the U.S. is still a center-right country. His TV ads promise tax cuts and his radio ads savage Mr. McCain's health-care plan as a tax increase. It's a startling campaign conversion for the most liberal member of the Senate. We'll know on Election Day if he is able to get away with it.
Similarly, Mr. McCain appears to be making three important course corrections. First, he and Gov. Sarah Palin are sharpening their stump speeches so their sound bites come off well on TV. Gone are offhand remarks and awkward comments read from notes perched on a podium. In are teleprompters and carefully crafted arguments. Mr. McCain is also more at ease than before and has an ebullient, come-from-behind underdog optimism that will serve him well in the final weeks.
Second, Mr. McCain is shaping a story line that draws on well-founded concerns about Mr. Obama's lack of record or experience. Mr. McCain is also bowing to reality and devoting most of his time to the economy. His narrative is he's the conservative reformer who'll lead and work hard to get things done, while Mr. Obama is the tax-and-spend liberal who's unprepared to lead and unwilling to act.
Mr. McCain is hitting Mr. Obama for wanting to raise taxes in difficult economic times, especially on small business and for the purpose of redistributing income, and for having lavish spending plans at a time when the economy is faltering. He's criticizing Mr. Obama for lingering on the sidelines while Mr. McCain dove in to help pass a rescue plan, necessary no matter how distasteful. And he's attacking Mr. Obama for not joining the fight in 2005 when reformers like Mr. McCain tried to rein in Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac.
Mr. McCain's other adjustment is his schedule. His campaign understands the dire circumstances it faces and is narrowing his travels almost exclusively to Florida, North Carolina, Virginia, Ohio, Missouri, Colorado and Nevada. If he carries those states, while losing only Iowa and New Mexico from the GOP's 2004 total, Mr. McCain will carry 274 Electoral College votes and the White House. It's threading the needle, but it's come to that.
This task, while not impossible, will be difficult. By mid-September, the McCain camp was slightly ahead in the polls. Then came the financial crisis. The past month has taken an enormous toll on the McCain campaign.
Whether it can find the right formula in the next 19 days to dig out is a question. If Mr. McCain succeeds, he will have engineered the most impressive and improbable political comeback since Harry Truman in 1948. But having to reach back more than a half-century for inspiration is not the place campaign managers want to be now.
quarta-feira, outubro 15, 2008
PARA PERCEBER UMA ELEIÇÃO...
De TNR:
Obama and White Voters
"To continue with the theme of my previous item, Ben Smith posts an absolutely fascinating e-mail from a Republican consultant who recently tested a hard-hitting, anti-Obama ad before a bunch of upper-Midwestern swing voters. Here's what the consultant had to say:
Reagan Dems and Independents. Call them blue-collar plus. Slightly more Target than Walmart. Yes, the spot worked. Yes, they believed the charges against Obama. Yes, they actually think he's too liberal, consorts with bad people and WON'T BE A GOOD PRESIDENT...but they STILL don't give a f***. They said right out, "He won't do anything better than McCain" but they're STILL voting for Obama.The two most unreal moments of my professional life of watching focus groups:54 year-old white male, voted Kerry '04, Bush '00, Dole '96, hunter, NASCAR fan...hard for Obama said: "I'm gonna hate him the minute I vote for him. He's gonna be a bad president. But I won't ever vote for another god-damn Republican. I want the government to take over all of Wall Street and bankers and the car companies and Wal-Mart run this county like we used to when Reagan was President."
The next was a woman, late 50s, Democrat but strongly pro-life. Loved B. and H. Clinton, loved Bush in 2000. "Well, I don't know much about this terrorist group Barack used to be in with that Weather guy but I'm sick of paying for health insurance at work and that's why I'm supporting Barack."I felt like I was taking crazy pills. I sat on the other side of the glass and realized...this really is the Apocalypse. The Seventh Seal is broken and its time for eight years of pure, delicious crazy....
In your head, you understand how this could be. But it's still remarkable to see it play out this way..."
--Noam Scheiber
(THE NEW REPUBLIC,15-10-08)
Obama and White Voters
"To continue with the theme of my previous item, Ben Smith posts an absolutely fascinating e-mail from a Republican consultant who recently tested a hard-hitting, anti-Obama ad before a bunch of upper-Midwestern swing voters. Here's what the consultant had to say:
Reagan Dems and Independents. Call them blue-collar plus. Slightly more Target than Walmart. Yes, the spot worked. Yes, they believed the charges against Obama. Yes, they actually think he's too liberal, consorts with bad people and WON'T BE A GOOD PRESIDENT...but they STILL don't give a f***. They said right out, "He won't do anything better than McCain" but they're STILL voting for Obama.The two most unreal moments of my professional life of watching focus groups:54 year-old white male, voted Kerry '04, Bush '00, Dole '96, hunter, NASCAR fan...hard for Obama said: "I'm gonna hate him the minute I vote for him. He's gonna be a bad president. But I won't ever vote for another god-damn Republican. I want the government to take over all of Wall Street and bankers and the car companies and Wal-Mart run this county like we used to when Reagan was President."
The next was a woman, late 50s, Democrat but strongly pro-life. Loved B. and H. Clinton, loved Bush in 2000. "Well, I don't know much about this terrorist group Barack used to be in with that Weather guy but I'm sick of paying for health insurance at work and that's why I'm supporting Barack."I felt like I was taking crazy pills. I sat on the other side of the glass and realized...this really is the Apocalypse. The Seventh Seal is broken and its time for eight years of pure, delicious crazy....
In your head, you understand how this could be. But it's still remarkable to see it play out this way..."
--Noam Scheiber
(THE NEW REPUBLIC,15-10-08)
terça-feira, outubro 14, 2008
segunda-feira, outubro 13, 2008
SOBRE UMA BORBOLETA AZUL...
Descobri este poema de Robert Frost - sobre borboletas, seres carregados de simbologia.
"Blue-Butterfly Day"
It is blue-butterfly day here in spring,
And with these sky-flakes down in flurry on flurry
There is more unmixed color on the wing
Than flowers will show for days unless they hurry.
But these are flowers that fly and all but sing:
And now from having ridden out desire
They lie closed over in the wind and cling
Where wheels have freshly sliced the April mire.
And with these sky-flakes down in flurry on flurry
There is more unmixed color on the wing
Than flowers will show for days unless they hurry.
But these are flowers that fly and all but sing:
And now from having ridden out desire
They lie closed over in the wind and cling
Where wheels have freshly sliced the April mire.
OBAMA E O "EFEITO BRADLEY-WILDER"
Do NYTimes de sábado:
Do Polls Lie About Race?
By KATE ZERNIKE
Published: October 11, 2008
On Polling: Will There Be an ‘Obama Effect?’
" Former Mayor Tom Bradley of Los Angeles, and former Gov. L. Douglas Wilder of Virginia,, both lent their names to a voting phenomenon peculiar to black candidates. Mr. Bradley lost in a close race for governor, while Mr. Wilder won in a close race. Polls predicted that both candidates would win by large margins.
Yet everywhere, anxious Democrats wring their hands. They’ve seen this Lucy-and-the-football routine before, and they’re just waiting for their ball to be snatched away, the foiled Charlie Browns again. Remember how the exit polls in 2004 predicted President Kerry?
The anxiety is more acute this year, because Senator Obama is the first African-American major-party presidential nominee. And even pollsters say they can’t be sure how accurately polls capture people’s feelings about race, or how forthcoming Americans are in talking about a black candidate.
In recent days, nervous Obama supporters have traded worry about a survey — widely disputed by pollsters yet voraciously consumed by the politically obsessed — that concluded racial bias would cost Mr. Obama six percentage points in the final outcome. He is, of course, about six points ahead in current polls. See? He’s going to lose."
Do Polls Lie About Race?
By KATE ZERNIKE
Published: October 11, 2008
On Polling: Will There Be an ‘Obama Effect?’
" Former Mayor Tom Bradley of Los Angeles, and former Gov. L. Douglas Wilder of Virginia,, both lent their names to a voting phenomenon peculiar to black candidates. Mr. Bradley lost in a close race for governor, while Mr. Wilder won in a close race. Polls predicted that both candidates would win by large margins.
Yet everywhere, anxious Democrats wring their hands. They’ve seen this Lucy-and-the-football routine before, and they’re just waiting for their ball to be snatched away, the foiled Charlie Browns again. Remember how the exit polls in 2004 predicted President Kerry?
The anxiety is more acute this year, because Senator Obama is the first African-American major-party presidential nominee. And even pollsters say they can’t be sure how accurately polls capture people’s feelings about race, or how forthcoming Americans are in talking about a black candidate.
In recent days, nervous Obama supporters have traded worry about a survey — widely disputed by pollsters yet voraciously consumed by the politically obsessed — that concluded racial bias would cost Mr. Obama six percentage points in the final outcome. He is, of course, about six points ahead in current polls. See? He’s going to lose."
domingo, outubro 12, 2008
PASSEIO DE DOMINGO - HAMBURGO COM JOHN LE CARRÉ
Na sexta à tarde vi e comprei na FNAC do Chiado A most wanted man, o último John Le Carré. Passa-se ou pelo menos começa em Hamburgo, aliás cenário de óptimos livros e filmes do tempo da Guerra Fria. Este mete terroristas islâmicos e vamos a ver como é que o Le Carré se sai, pois ultimamente tem sido livro- sim- livro-não, em termos de qualidade.
Eu como estou a acabar os meus Jogos Africanos também me apetecem estas excursões mais velha Europa. Como este canal de Hamburgo, com casas e armazéns pró antigo.
sábado, outubro 11, 2008
QUE FITA VAI HOJE? - CONTINUAÇÃO
Hoje, na sessão dupla habitual da RTP2, dois filmes europeus outra vez: um recente Em Paris (Dans Paris, 2006), de Christophe Honoré, e um "clássico" La dolce vita (A doce vida, 1960), de Federico Fellini, que vai ser preciso rever outra vez. Neste filme, Fellini retoma a história de um dos Vitelloni da semana passada, e o rapaz ingénuo que, no fim do outro filme, sob os traços de Franco Interlenghi, deixa a província para se "salvar" do mundo pequeno e mesquinho da terra natal é agora o jornalista romano, que já viu tudo e de tudo está desiludido, interpretado por Marcello Mastroiani: a salvação não é deste mundo. Hoje também passa, à uma e pico, na RTP1, o filme Um homem influente (Breakfast of Champions, 1999), em que Alan Rudolph, que teve o seu momento de cineasta "de culto" e assinou alguns filmes dignos de nota, adapta um livro do escritor Kurt Vonnegut, Jr., recentemente desaparecido e que tem tido - e ainda tem - os seus momentos de escritor "de culto" também; para mim, o nome de Kurt Vonnegut está asociado principalmente ao conto "Harrison Bergeron" uma devastadora parábola sobre a "igualdade" publicada inicialmente numa revista de ficção científica, depois muitas vezes antologiada e incluida na colectânea Welcome to the Monkey House, um livro de fins dos anos 60: The year was 2081, and everybody was finally equal....A programação de hoje também permite uma rápida volta pelo cinema de "acção" em várias modalidades: está a passar na TVI, agora mesmo, a primeira aventura d0 Transporter (Correio de risco, 2002), com Jason Statham, à meia-noite e cinco, também na TVI, está prevista a exibição de Colateral (Collateral, 2004), de Michael Mann, com Tom Cruise, e às 00.20, no AXN, Assassinos substitutos (The Replacement Killers, 1998), com Yun Fat-Chow e Mira Sorvino, o menos pretencioso dos três e, entre eles, o meu preferido e, para meu gosto (este filme não é em geral muito amado), o melhor filme até agora de Antoine Fuqua, muito melhor do que o oscarizado Dia de treino (Training day, 2001).
quinta-feira, outubro 09, 2008
A CRISE E A BOLSA
Em 1987 assisti na primeira fila à segunda-feira negra do mercado bolsista, o Black Monday, dia 19 de Outubro (tive que ir ver a data): num só dia, o Dow Jones Industrial Index, o índice a que normalmente nos referimos quando falamos da bolsa de NY, perdeu, percentualmente, mais de metade do que perdeu até agora desde o seu máximo de sempre, que atingiu noutro Outubro, o de 2007, há praticamente um ano. Nesses remotos dias de há vinte anos, o DJI estava abaixo de 2.000 pontos, ou seja desde então até ao máximo do ano passado o seu "valor" multiplicou-se por mais de sete vezes. Em Agosto de 87 tinha atingido o seu máximo de então, um pouco acima dos dois mil pontos, valor que não voltaria a ultrapassar senão dois anos depois. Não muito antes do crash de 87 um conhecido semanário financeiro americano admirava-se em grandes parangonas com a possibilidade de o DJI ultrapassar o mil pontos. Aos preços do fecho de hoje, depois da hecatombe dos últimos dias, o DJI "vale" quatro vezes o que valia há vinte anos. Isto não quer dizer tudo, nem sequer muito: tudo é relativo e quase nada é absolutamente comparável, tantos são os factores a considerar, tantas as comparações possíveis. Só as emoções humanas são de uma monotonia e regularidade que nunca falham, mais matemáticamente previsíveis do que as elocubrações de qualquer matemática. No mundo financeiro as emoções que contam são sempre as mesmas: o medo e a ganância.
KARL ROVE SOBRE AS ELEÎÇÔES - OBAMA AINDA NÃO GANHOU
Da edição de hoje do Wall Street Journal:
"Tuesday night's presidential debate was good entertainment. Both candidates were animated and loose throughout a wide-ranging discussion. Sen. Barack Obama did well in Sen. John McCain's favorite format. Mr. McCain was more focused and sharp than in the first debate, though the cameras above him made his balding pate more prominent.
Tom Brokaw was often a distraction: Did he really need over a hundred words -- including the name "Sherard Cowper-Coles" -- to ask about Afghanistan?
Mr. McCain's advocates were cheered by him advancing the theme that Mr. Obama lacks a record of accomplishment or bipartisanship in the Senate. Mr. McCain also described how Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac constituted "the match that started this forest fire" that's engulfed our economy, and nailed Mr. Obama and Democrats for being AWOL on GSE reform.
Mr. McCain was most effective on taxes and spending. He argued now is not the time to raise taxes and hit Mr. Obama's proposal to hike small business taxes: three out of four filers in the top 5% report small-business income. Mr. McCain called for a spending freeze and attacked earmarks, including Mr. Obama's $3 million for a Chicago planetarium's "overhead projector." Mr. Obama weakly replied earmarks were only $18 billion.
Advocates of Mr. Obama, on the other hand, saw him scoring points on style and connecting with questioners. He patiently explained to one how the Wall Street rescue package would help him and his neighbors on Main Street. He had the night's emotional high point when he talked about his dying mother fighting her insurer over whether her cancer was a pre-existing condition. He called for dramatic change and tied Mr. McCain to the Bush administration, though not too often to be obnoxious.
Mr. Obama also offered his villain responsible for the current crisis: "the deregulation of the financial system." Many voters will accept Mr. Obama's designation, despite it being both wrong and a slap at President Bill Clinton, who signed the 1999 deregulation legislation that Mr. Obama seems to object to, and Treasury Secretary Bob Rubin and Undersecretary Larry Summers, who helped fashion it. What do these Obama advisers think of being blamed for the credit-market meltdown?
What about swing voters? There are probably more undecided and persuadable voters open to switching their choice than in any election since 1968.
For those open to Mr. McCain, it is unclear how they will respond to his plan to order the Treasury secretary "to immediately buy up the bad home loan mortgages in America and renegotiate at the new value of those homes." It came across as both impulsive and badly explained. No experts were ready to defend it. No explanatory paper was flung at journalists. Nor were surrogates like Mitt Romney briefed. But the campaign did admit it borrowed the idea from Hillary Clinton.
While it was good Mr. McCain engaged on health-care reform, his explanations were not crisp or powerful. And he failed to defend his proposed corporate tax cut. Why not say America has the world's second-highest corporate tax rate, putting the U.S. at a disadvantage in creating jobs?
For those leaning to Mr. Obama, there was no evidence of bipartisanship. There was no talk of accomplishments. Did he really think it was smart to answer Mr. McCain on Fannie by dismissing the GSE reform bill and pointing to a letter he wrote? In the Senate, is the pen mightier than legislation? And Mr. Obama's say-one-thing, do-another approach was apparent. Blast Mr. McCain for talking up the economy, then say, "I am confident about the American economy." Blame Mr. McCain for the credit meltdown, and end the assault with "you're not interested in hearing politicians pointing fingers." Say "only a few percent of small businesses" will get taxed when 663,000 small enterprises are in the top 5%.
There were no knockouts. What matters now is how well the candidates prosecute the themes they have laid out in the election's remaining 26 days. Interest is high. People are paying more attention than usual.
Each faces a big challenge. Mr. McCain's is that events have tilted the field towards Mr. Obama. To win, Mr. McCain must demonstrate he stands for responsible conservative change, while portraying Mr. Obama as an out-of-the-mainstream liberal not ready to be president.
Mr. Obama's test is that voters haven't shaken deep concerns about his lack of qualifications. Having accomplished virtually nothing in his three years in the Senate except to win the Democratic nomination, Mr. Obama must show he is up to the job. Voters like him, conditions favor him, yet he has not closed the sale. He may be approaching the finish line with that mixture of lassitude and insouciance he displayed in the spring against Mrs. Clinton.
But here's a warning sign for Mr. Obama. Of recent candidates, only Michael Dukakis in 1988 has had a larger percentage of voters tell pollsters they believe he lacks the necessary qualifications to be president."
"Tuesday night's presidential debate was good entertainment. Both candidates were animated and loose throughout a wide-ranging discussion. Sen. Barack Obama did well in Sen. John McCain's favorite format. Mr. McCain was more focused and sharp than in the first debate, though the cameras above him made his balding pate more prominent.
Tom Brokaw was often a distraction: Did he really need over a hundred words -- including the name "Sherard Cowper-Coles" -- to ask about Afghanistan?
Mr. McCain's advocates were cheered by him advancing the theme that Mr. Obama lacks a record of accomplishment or bipartisanship in the Senate. Mr. McCain also described how Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac constituted "the match that started this forest fire" that's engulfed our economy, and nailed Mr. Obama and Democrats for being AWOL on GSE reform.
Mr. McCain was most effective on taxes and spending. He argued now is not the time to raise taxes and hit Mr. Obama's proposal to hike small business taxes: three out of four filers in the top 5% report small-business income. Mr. McCain called for a spending freeze and attacked earmarks, including Mr. Obama's $3 million for a Chicago planetarium's "overhead projector." Mr. Obama weakly replied earmarks were only $18 billion.
Advocates of Mr. Obama, on the other hand, saw him scoring points on style and connecting with questioners. He patiently explained to one how the Wall Street rescue package would help him and his neighbors on Main Street. He had the night's emotional high point when he talked about his dying mother fighting her insurer over whether her cancer was a pre-existing condition. He called for dramatic change and tied Mr. McCain to the Bush administration, though not too often to be obnoxious.
Mr. Obama also offered his villain responsible for the current crisis: "the deregulation of the financial system." Many voters will accept Mr. Obama's designation, despite it being both wrong and a slap at President Bill Clinton, who signed the 1999 deregulation legislation that Mr. Obama seems to object to, and Treasury Secretary Bob Rubin and Undersecretary Larry Summers, who helped fashion it. What do these Obama advisers think of being blamed for the credit-market meltdown?
What about swing voters? There are probably more undecided and persuadable voters open to switching their choice than in any election since 1968.
For those open to Mr. McCain, it is unclear how they will respond to his plan to order the Treasury secretary "to immediately buy up the bad home loan mortgages in America and renegotiate at the new value of those homes." It came across as both impulsive and badly explained. No experts were ready to defend it. No explanatory paper was flung at journalists. Nor were surrogates like Mitt Romney briefed. But the campaign did admit it borrowed the idea from Hillary Clinton.
While it was good Mr. McCain engaged on health-care reform, his explanations were not crisp or powerful. And he failed to defend his proposed corporate tax cut. Why not say America has the world's second-highest corporate tax rate, putting the U.S. at a disadvantage in creating jobs?
For those leaning to Mr. Obama, there was no evidence of bipartisanship. There was no talk of accomplishments. Did he really think it was smart to answer Mr. McCain on Fannie by dismissing the GSE reform bill and pointing to a letter he wrote? In the Senate, is the pen mightier than legislation? And Mr. Obama's say-one-thing, do-another approach was apparent. Blast Mr. McCain for talking up the economy, then say, "I am confident about the American economy." Blame Mr. McCain for the credit meltdown, and end the assault with "you're not interested in hearing politicians pointing fingers." Say "only a few percent of small businesses" will get taxed when 663,000 small enterprises are in the top 5%.
There were no knockouts. What matters now is how well the candidates prosecute the themes they have laid out in the election's remaining 26 days. Interest is high. People are paying more attention than usual.
Each faces a big challenge. Mr. McCain's is that events have tilted the field towards Mr. Obama. To win, Mr. McCain must demonstrate he stands for responsible conservative change, while portraying Mr. Obama as an out-of-the-mainstream liberal not ready to be president.
Mr. Obama's test is that voters haven't shaken deep concerns about his lack of qualifications. Having accomplished virtually nothing in his three years in the Senate except to win the Democratic nomination, Mr. Obama must show he is up to the job. Voters like him, conditions favor him, yet he has not closed the sale. He may be approaching the finish line with that mixture of lassitude and insouciance he displayed in the spring against Mrs. Clinton.
But here's a warning sign for Mr. Obama. Of recent candidates, only Michael Dukakis in 1988 has had a larger percentage of voters tell pollsters they believe he lacks the necessary qualifications to be president."
terça-feira, outubro 07, 2008
CRISES E PARALELOS
A propósito desta crise uma amiga, evocando as imagens da Sexta-Feira Negra de Outubro de 1929, dizia-me
"Mas ainda não há suicídios, gente a atirar-se dos arranha-céus"...Em 1929, logo no princípio da crise, onze personalidades da vida financeira americana acabaram assim!
Não há, mas é capaz de ser não apenas pelas boas razões...É que hoje ninguém se importa muito com as consequências. Os suicidas de 1929 eram pessoas desesperadas por não poderem honrar os seus compromissos, pela ruina das famílias e das empresas, pelo dano causado a outros. Hoje, quem se importa com essas coisas. Não vemos ao contrário que os gestores e administradores que dão cabo das companhias vão para casa com indemnizações milionárias?
Hoje não se atiram pela janela. Descem tranquilamente pelas escadas ou pelo elevador e vão almoçar ao sítio do costume.
domingo, outubro 05, 2008
PASSEIO DE DOMINGO - MAINE (U.S.A.)
Vim parar a este lugar do Maine, onde acho que nunca estive, embora tivesse feito uma parte da costa aqui, num Verão, alguns anos atrás. Corresponde a um lugar mais frio, marítimo, no Hemisfério Norte, longe, onde gostaria de hibernar por algum tempo.
E ficar a (re)ler clássicos de viagens e aventuras - a Odisseia, Bewoulf, As Viagens de Marco Polo, a Peregrinação, o D.Quixote, o Gulliver, As Minas de Salomão (seria a nona vez, tendo começado aos oito anos) e alguns livros da "Biblioteca dos Rapazes". E as viagens mentais, espirituais e locais do Século XX - como a Recherche do Proust e o Ulisses do Joyce. E depois de jantar, dar uma volta e vir (re)ver os "westerns" que vi na adolescência, nos cinemas do Porto - no Batalha, no Rivoli, no Coliseu, no Vale Formoso. Alguns ainda a preto e branco. Sobretudo gostava de voltar a ver a Angie Dickinson no Rio Bravo...
E ficar a (re)ler clássicos de viagens e aventuras - a Odisseia, Bewoulf, As Viagens de Marco Polo, a Peregrinação, o D.Quixote, o Gulliver, As Minas de Salomão (seria a nona vez, tendo começado aos oito anos) e alguns livros da "Biblioteca dos Rapazes". E as viagens mentais, espirituais e locais do Século XX - como a Recherche do Proust e o Ulisses do Joyce. E depois de jantar, dar uma volta e vir (re)ver os "westerns" que vi na adolescência, nos cinemas do Porto - no Batalha, no Rivoli, no Coliseu, no Vale Formoso. Alguns ainda a preto e branco. Sobretudo gostava de voltar a ver a Angie Dickinson no Rio Bravo...
POEMA DE OUTUBRO E OUTONO
Hoje aqui no campo entre Óbidos e as Caldas está mais quente e lá fora há umas cores ainda de Verão de Malhoa. Mas acho mais apropriado o Robert Frost e o campo de New England:
"October "
O hushed October morning mild,
Thy leaves have ripened to the fall;
Tomorrow's wind, if it be wild,
Should waste them all.
The crows above the forest call;
Tomorrow they may form and go.
O hushed October morning mild,
Begin the hours of this day slow.
Make the day seem to us less brief.
Hearts not averse to being beguiled,
Beguile us in the way you know.
Release one leaf at break of day;
At noon release another leaf; one from our trees, one far away.
Retard the sun with gentle mist;
Enchant the land with amethyst. Slow, slow!
For the grapes' sake, if the were all,
Whose elaves already are burnt with frost,
Whose clustered fruit must else be lost--
For the grapes' sake along the all.
Robert Frost
"October "
O hushed October morning mild,
Thy leaves have ripened to the fall;
Tomorrow's wind, if it be wild,
Should waste them all.
The crows above the forest call;
Tomorrow they may form and go.
O hushed October morning mild,
Begin the hours of this day slow.
Make the day seem to us less brief.
Hearts not averse to being beguiled,
Beguile us in the way you know.
Release one leaf at break of day;
At noon release another leaf; one from our trees, one far away.
Retard the sun with gentle mist;
Enchant the land with amethyst. Slow, slow!
For the grapes' sake, if the were all,
Whose elaves already are burnt with frost,
Whose clustered fruit must else be lost--
For the grapes' sake along the all.
Robert Frost
sábado, outubro 04, 2008
QUE FITA VAI HOJE? - ONDE ISSO VAI
A "sessão dupla" do serão de sábado na RTP2 hoje muda ligeiramente de figura. Dois filmes europeus: A dama de honor (La demoiselle d'honneur, 2004), de Claude Chabrol, a partir de Ruth Rendell, ou de como a nouvelle vague se transformou no novo "cinema de qualidade" e um dos meus Fellini preferidos, I vitelloni, um filme absolutamente indispensável (Os inúteis, 1953). De resto, à meia-noite e vinte, na TVI, O anti Pai Natal ( Bad Santa, 2003), do realizador Terry Zwigoff, um rapaz da minha idade - mais ou menos - que chegou tarde ao cinema e dirigiu Crumb, 1994, e Ghost World, 2001 (dois filmes que têm a ver com a chamada BD, no primeiro caso com a biografia do genial e perturbado Robert Crumb, um pornógrafo brilhante, e no segundo adaptando Dan Clowes, um notável novelista gráfico e representante da ligne claire à americana); Ghost World foi uma das primeiras aparições no cinema de Scarlett Johansson, Deus a abençoe. Tinha os melhores propósitos de recapitular algumas das semanas passadas, que tinham muito que se lhes dissesse e não disse - mas a arte é longa e a vida breve, como não me canso de repetir.
O POPULISMO DE SARAH PALIN
Da coluna de Peggy Noonan no WSJ de 3-10-08,acerca do debate Palin-Biden:
"She killed. She had him at "Nice to meet you. Hey, can I call you Joe?" She was the star. He was the second male lead, the good-natured best friend of the leading man. She was not petrified but peppy.
The whole debate was about Sarah Palin. She is not a person of thought but of action. Interviews are about thinking, about reflecting, marshaling data and integrating it into an answer. Debates are more active, more propelled—they are thrust and parry. They are for campaigners. She is a campaigner. Her syntax did not hold, but her magnetism did. At one point she literally winked at the nation.
As far as Mrs. Palin was concerned, Gwen Ifill was not there, and Joe Biden was not there. Sarah and the camera were there. This was classic "talk over the heads of the media straight to the people," and it is a long time since I've seen it done so well, though so transparently. There were moments when she seemed to be doing an infomercial pitch for charm in politics. But it was an effective infomercial.
Joe Biden seems to have walked in thinking that she was an idiot and that he only had to patiently wait for this fact to reveal itself. This was a miscalculation. He showed great forbearance. Too much forbearance. She said of his intentions on Iraq, "Your plan is a white flag of surrender." This deserved an indignant response, or at least a small bop on the head, from Mr. Biden, who has been for five years righter on Iraq than the Republican administration. He was instead mild.
The heart of her message was a complete populist pitch. "Joe Six-Pack" and "soccer moms" should unite to fight the tormentors who forced mortgages on us. She spoke of "Main Streeters like me." A question is at what point shiny, happy populism becomes cheerful manipulation.
Sarah Palin saved John McCain again Thursday night. She is the political equivalent of cardiac paddles: Clear! Zap! We've got a beat! She will re-electrify the base. More than that, an hour and a half of talking to America will take her to a new level of stardom. Watch her crowds this weekend. She's about to get jumpers, the old political name for people who are so excited to see you they start to jump."
"She killed. She had him at "Nice to meet you. Hey, can I call you Joe?" She was the star. He was the second male lead, the good-natured best friend of the leading man. She was not petrified but peppy.
The whole debate was about Sarah Palin. She is not a person of thought but of action. Interviews are about thinking, about reflecting, marshaling data and integrating it into an answer. Debates are more active, more propelled—they are thrust and parry. They are for campaigners. She is a campaigner. Her syntax did not hold, but her magnetism did. At one point she literally winked at the nation.
As far as Mrs. Palin was concerned, Gwen Ifill was not there, and Joe Biden was not there. Sarah and the camera were there. This was classic "talk over the heads of the media straight to the people," and it is a long time since I've seen it done so well, though so transparently. There were moments when she seemed to be doing an infomercial pitch for charm in politics. But it was an effective infomercial.
Joe Biden seems to have walked in thinking that she was an idiot and that he only had to patiently wait for this fact to reveal itself. This was a miscalculation. He showed great forbearance. Too much forbearance. She said of his intentions on Iraq, "Your plan is a white flag of surrender." This deserved an indignant response, or at least a small bop on the head, from Mr. Biden, who has been for five years righter on Iraq than the Republican administration. He was instead mild.
The heart of her message was a complete populist pitch. "Joe Six-Pack" and "soccer moms" should unite to fight the tormentors who forced mortgages on us. She spoke of "Main Streeters like me." A question is at what point shiny, happy populism becomes cheerful manipulation.
Sarah Palin saved John McCain again Thursday night. She is the political equivalent of cardiac paddles: Clear! Zap! We've got a beat! She will re-electrify the base. More than that, an hour and a half of talking to America will take her to a new level of stardom. Watch her crowds this weekend. She's about to get jumpers, the old political name for people who are so excited to see you they start to jump."
DE VOLTA, DEPOIS DO VERÃO
Ontem no fim de tarde de Lisboa senti o primeiro toque do Outono. Hoje, aqui no campo, também-na luz, no frio ligeiro, no imperativo do tempo para mudar de " estação ". E mais. O Outono é ritualmente triste e melancólico.Sinto que este vai ser assim e por isso , ajustando-me ao Zeitgeist deixo este Dante Gabriel Rossetti
Autumn Song(1883)
Know’st thou not at the fall of the leaf
How the heart feels a languid grief
Laid on it for a covering,
And how sleep seems a goodly thing
In Autumn at the fall of the leaf?
And how the swift beat of the brain
Falters because it is in vain,
In Autumn at the fall of the leaf
Knowest thou not?
and how the chiefOf joys seems—not to suffer pain?
Know’st thou not at the fall of the leaf
How the soul feels like a dried sheaf
Bound up at length for harvesting,
And how death seems a comely thing
In Autumn at the fall of the leaf?
Autumn Song(1883)
Know’st thou not at the fall of the leaf
How the heart feels a languid grief
Laid on it for a covering,
And how sleep seems a goodly thing
In Autumn at the fall of the leaf?
And how the swift beat of the brain
Falters because it is in vain,
In Autumn at the fall of the leaf
Knowest thou not?
and how the chiefOf joys seems—not to suffer pain?
Know’st thou not at the fall of the leaf
How the soul feels like a dried sheaf
Bound up at length for harvesting,
And how death seems a comely thing
In Autumn at the fall of the leaf?
quarta-feira, outubro 01, 2008
STANDPOINT
Uma nova revista conservadora é sempre um acontecimento editorial que devemos realçar, sobretudo quando é inglesa e com a qualidade que tem a Standpoint. O lançamento desta revista mensal não é propriamente uma novidade, sobretudo se tivermos em conta que vai já no seu quinto número e que no Expresso (curiosamente) lhe foi já feita suficiente publicidade.
Contudo, parece-me que é importante, aqui no Futuro Presente, darmos-lhe também alguma atenção. Trata-se, de facto, de uma revista da maior qualidade e interesse que aconselhamos a todos os nossos leitores. No último número, que continua o ritmo dos anteriores, vemos como tema de capa a interrogação sobre se David Cameron será o homem certo para liderar os tories nestes tempos difíceis que se avizinham. Bruce Anderson e Robin Harris discordam sobre se se trata de um herdeiro de Margareth Thatcher. No entanto, outros temas ilustram este número e, só para destacar alguns, referiremos o interessantíssimo debate entre Edward Lucas e Mary Dejevsky, dois especialistas da Rússia, sobre se estamos ou não perante uma nova Guerra Fria. Aí se debate a crise da Geórgia e as suas implicações para o Ocidente. Também muito interessante o artigo de George Weigel, "Pope on a Mission to Surprise", onde refere a surpresa que para muitos constitui a acção extraordinária de S.S. o Papa Bento XVI. Finalmente, em "We can't all make the Grade", Charles Murray critica um sistema educativo que verdadeiramente se dedica prioritariamente a cumprir objectivos e não a desempenhar a sua função: ensinar e preparar as novas gerações para o mundo com que se vão defrontar.
Na Standpoint poderá ainda encontrar recensões de livros importantes, artigos sobre questões civilizacionais e diversas polémicas sobre os mais variados assuntos, sempre pela mão de especialistas e autores de grande nível.